不同的國家，相同的貨幣——矛盾的配搭 by LH

希臘的緊縮政策已經通過，短期內再討論其不可行和不公也屬無謂。本文並不針對這單一事件，而概括指出了歐洲統一貨幣與各國國情的衝突乃這類事件的背後推手。

一國若成為歐元區的一員，其經濟狀況便會影響歐元幣值，進而影響整個歐元區的經濟；但同時稅制和社會福利暫時都是國家層面的問題。面對經濟危機，到底是個別國家讓步還是連累歐元區，就視乎談判結果。文中作者進而指出，雖然歐元區的經濟連成一體，但礙於傳統和語言問題，卻沒有“歐洲的”工人階級，因此在跨國經濟問題上，工人仍沒有什麼談判力量。

national divisions and the eurozone in crisis

25 06 2011 
Oisín Mac Giollamóir explores the complexity of how the Eurozone crisis affects particular states

If the working class has no country it is for one reason: because capital has no country. But of course capital is often national. The emergence of the nation state and capitalism are contemporaneous. As capitalism emerged so did the nation state. As various historical class relations are dissolved into the capital/labour relation, the notion of the nation’s common interest emerges. But what happens when the nation becomes a constraint on capital accumulation? It expands.

論爭之必要——記sheffield反削公共開支的一些東西（Cham）

http://thecommune.co.uk/2011/06/21/6964/#more-6964

其實我一向覺得社運界/政黨之間的相互批評太少。當然，現在民主黨偶爾就會圍攻，（我估）社記同人民力量之間亦會相互屌柒下。但社運界內部，工盟，街工等組織的則幾乎永遠相安無事。我其實認真覺得這不是十分健康。

相互批其實算不得上甚麼，透過相互辯論批評然後進步的道理誰都聽過，但實際執行的真是相當少。或許是不習慣，又或許是要「照顧感受」或是「為免製造組織之間的矛盾」。但還是說回來，沒有批評，又何來進步？大家都知道的，我們其實都未必想得太清楚，這些外來的批評是永遠需要的。

有此感言，固是心中所想，但亦是看畢以上link的文章才更覺要寫出來。那是描述英國Sheffield反對削減公共開支運動的內部問題。文中開頭便提到，因為Socialist worker party其中一位黨員在其黨報上批評某工會的做法，隨即引起工會方面的反彈，然後SWP又急著出來道歉……這些真的令人看得十分不舒服。作者很明顯知道，這些批評是有其重要性的，其後作者便嘗試身體力行，指出在某會議上不同領袖的發言有何不足之處，即那上領袖只提現象（削支）而沒有作任何具體分析或歷史分析：

• The  members of the left groups and well known trade union activists in the audience were presented with a description of the symptoms of the crisis rather than an analysis of what was taking place and what the alternative was. John Mcdonnell MP implied that the Labour Party could represent workers again and rebuild the welfare state, but did not put forward any intellectually coherent case for a new society. Capitalist welfare was built by Tories as much as Labour in the past. The fundamental differences between global capitalism today and the welfare politics of the past were not examined. There was no coherent explanation of where we were and where we needed to get to.

我看完以後也再為削公共開支的狀況想了很多。我當然明白，聽批評並不好受，尤其是在自己理念所聚焦的地方。不過，運動需要怒砌之餘，還是有很多東西要想，策略也好，組織也好，分析也好，統統如是。不想原地踏步固步自封原地踏步，某些難關始終要過。

沒有罷工？那最少嘗試想想它能綻放的力量（Cham）

http://thecommune.co.uk/2011/06/18/on-the-march-at-work/

一說到抗爭行動，我們不是想起在街頭的衝突，就是那些遊行示威——罷工幾近沒有進入我們的視角（講開，維他奶罷工也未見明朗）。作為馬克思主義者的我一方面很不是味兒，但另一方面有知道必須認清工人組織在港非常薄弱，Militancy的傳統就更不用說。

但現實並不阻止我們去幻想。就如現在會做堵路或激進行動的，比盡三四百人，其效甚微。但正如我從前說過，試想像如果有數千人塞在彌敦道，那是甚麼樣的力度？如果現實不成，那最少我們需要去想像。

而想像是需要某些原料的。以下的一篇就是記述一個英國普通公僕的一些心路歷程。講述的是她與她的同工越來越不滿英國政府的緊縮措拖，看著一個又一個的同事被炒，到了某一刻她們即將決定行動。但大家還是很害怕，於是就建議一個小行動——就是大家一起闖進管理層的會議說明訴求。這一個小小的行動，卻給了那位公僕非常大的鼓舞:

The person who went in first said the manager didn't look too bothered at first- until he saw just how many people were pouring in, basically the whole department. People were excited but also very tense and emotional, rather than shouting or making noise the atmosphere was very somber and serious. We made our prepared points, although we got the jitters and forgot our lines, we got everything basically said. Anyway the important thing was that the whole department was there, doing something which was very scary and confrontational for a lot of people, that was way outside of the known for a lot of them, but they did it, everybody went in and stood shoulder to shoulder in front of managers that a lot of people are scared of, managers that will be picking from amongst us for redundancies. We left when we had said our piece, we left when we chose to and not before, and despite the total lack of jumping fences,shouting, running or vandalism it was actually one of the most inspiring bits of direct action of my life.

這不是甚麼個人英雄主義式的抗爭，而是實實在在的打工仔願以risk被炒來進行的集體抗爭。我知道在這一刻的香港下，這些都很難發生。但我覺得，我們最少需要去想像，認可這種最在地、最有力，直指資本主義核心的挑戰方式。

egypt: “democracy, social justice and human dignity” – but when, and how? (LH)

文章連結：http://thecommune.co.uk/2011/06/17/egypt-%E2%80%9Cdemocracy-social-justice-and-human-dignity%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-but-when-and-how/

自從總理穆巴拉克於二月下臺至今已經四個月，民眾因革命貨不對板而積累的怨氣終於在上月27日爆發，百萬計開羅市民再次集結抗議軍政府的統治。

時至今日，“埃及革命”看來是換湯不換藥。無疑，在政治方面是出現了人事變動，但穆巴拉克推動的新自由主義經濟政策，以及背後軍政商聯手的利益團體仍然繼續運作，埃及的經濟仍受國際貨幣組織支配。 言論自由看似獲得尊重，一名批評軍方的網民卻被判入獄。禁止罷工的法例通過，更代表新政府背叛了參與革命的民眾。

新政府選舉將在九月舉行。現時僅有的法例限制元首只能連任兩屆，每屆四年。其餘有關新憲法的一切都要留待新政府處理。有評論指這樣的安排時間不足以讓新意見形成，普及；到頭來只會讓既有的團體得利。埃及將來的民主化將會發展到什麽地步，外國經濟侵略會如何深入，到現時仍是未知之數。

egypt: “democracy, social justice and human dignity” – but when, and how?

17062011

Tali Janner-Klausner reports from Cairo on the unfolding Egyptian revolution, including the recent international solidarity conference

Hosni Mubarak was a hated despot, and became a symbol of the many, varied and interlinked hardships that Egyptians face. At this month’s “First Forum of Solidarity with the Arab Revolutions” there were no doubts that though the symbol has come crashing down, the root causes of these hardships remain and must be confronted.

the establishment sacrificed Mubarak, but want to hold back further change